Post by LS on Feb 17, 2005 22:26:39 GMT -5
Beyond 'Fair and Balanced' CON'T:
In addition to deceiving viewers and cutting costs, Sinclair's news operation enables it to shape the tone and content of the evening news at every local station. The company delivers its message in News Central segments it labels "must carries" -- those that every affiliate is required to air. In addition to Hyman's editorial, these segments often include "Truth, Lies and Red Tape," which trots out examples of government waste, and reports by Sinclair's Washington bureau that are skewed to the right.
Behind the scenes, Sinclair gives generously to Bush and the GOP. A report by the nonprofit Center for Public Integrity found that ninety-five percent of Sinclair's $335,000 in campaign contributions since 1998 have gone to Republicans -- "a lopsided record of giving unmatched by other major television broadcasters." All told, the company gave $23,000 to Bush and $217,000 to the Republican Party.
Sinclair's use of the airwaves to support Bush has sparked public outrage. Last spring, families of veterans killed in Iraq were angered by Sinclair's refusal to air the Nightline special identifying the fallen soldiers, and the publication Broadcast and Cable said the company "simply replaced Nightline's worthy tribute with its own political agenda." In an open letter to David Smith, Sen. John McCain called the decision "a gross disservice to the public, and to the men and women of the United States Armed Forces. It is, in short, sir, unpatriotic. I hope it meets with the public opprobrium it most certainly deserves."
When Sinclair ordered its stations to replace their regular prime-time shows with Stolen Honor, the anti-Kerry documentary, it created an even bigger firestorm. Media-reform groups organized a boycott of Sinclair advertisers, and the company's stock tumbled seventeen percent, losing $105 million in days. Institutional investors threatened to sue the company for placing politics before profits. Faced with such unprecedented pressure, Sinclair backed down, airing a watered-down version of the film.
The controversy extended to Sinclair's own newsroom. Many News Central staffers were convinced that their journalistic credibility, already compromised by the company's partisan image, would be further diminished by the attack on Kerry. "I had interviews lined up that were canceling left and right, very similar to what happened during the Nightline debacle," says Leiberman, the D.C. bureau chief who was a rising star at Sinclair. "And it was becoming impossible -- I'm not exaggerating -- impossible for us to interview any moderate or any Democrat in Washington."
On Sunday, October 17th, Sinclair called a mandatory meeting for the entire News Central staff. According to several who attended, Leiberman stood up and voiced his opposition to Stolen Honor. "Each and every one of us is going to lose our credibility if we lend our voices and our writing and our faces to this product that clearly isn't news," he said. "It's propaganda. It's meant to sway the election -- we've been told that by people inside the company."
Sinclair's vice president of news, Joseph DeFeo, looked at Leiberman. "You may face consequences for not choosing to participate in this," Leiberman recalls him saying. Then DeFeo looked around the room. "Anyone else want to join him?" he asked. No one spoke up. But many Sinclair employees say privately that they agreed with Leiberman. "I was glad that someone finally had the guts to say something," says one. "Everyone who works there feels the same way and says it in private, but it doesn't leave the building."
"Jon did a great thing," another veteran says. "He stood up to the Hymanator." The next day, after Leiberman made his concerns public, Sinclair fired him. (Sinclair refuses to comment on the incident.)
Employees report a pervasive climate of fear at Sinclair. Staffers worry that management is listening to their telephone calls, and a recent notice sent to all employees warns that the company is monitoring their e-mail and Internet use. "We know if you use e-mail to send jokes to your friends and co-workers," the memo states. "We know if you view porn.... We know if you order parts for the car you are trying to restore.... We know how many people searched for Janet Jackson after the Super Bowl (97 searches)." Employees laugh when told that Smith insists he runs Sinclair like a family. "They are blinded," a former producer says. "They think their employees are loyal, but really they're not in touch with what's happening in their own newsroom."
Citizens groups are challenging the company's bid to renew its licenses in North and South Carolina, saying Sinclair's lack of local news and one-sided programming fail to satisfy even the bare-minimum standards imposed by the FCC. "They're so used to being able to buy their way through Washington that Smith actually believes he can get away with it," says Silver of Free Press. "That's what's really scary."
But up on the fifth floor at Sinclair, Smith remains unconcerned about the backlash. Indeed, with the company deep in debt and struggling to boost revenues and ratings, all the scandal may be good for business. "Fox proved one thing: People like controversy," Smith says. "I'd do one of those Stolen Honor specials every month if we could. The lesson was very straightforward: That we can do this kind of content, pre-empt the networks and make more money."
Hyman agrees with his boss. The controversy "was worth $10 million in free advertising," he says. "People who'd never heard of us before suddenly knew who we were. We're on the map."
In addition to deceiving viewers and cutting costs, Sinclair's news operation enables it to shape the tone and content of the evening news at every local station. The company delivers its message in News Central segments it labels "must carries" -- those that every affiliate is required to air. In addition to Hyman's editorial, these segments often include "Truth, Lies and Red Tape," which trots out examples of government waste, and reports by Sinclair's Washington bureau that are skewed to the right.
Behind the scenes, Sinclair gives generously to Bush and the GOP. A report by the nonprofit Center for Public Integrity found that ninety-five percent of Sinclair's $335,000 in campaign contributions since 1998 have gone to Republicans -- "a lopsided record of giving unmatched by other major television broadcasters." All told, the company gave $23,000 to Bush and $217,000 to the Republican Party.
Sinclair's use of the airwaves to support Bush has sparked public outrage. Last spring, families of veterans killed in Iraq were angered by Sinclair's refusal to air the Nightline special identifying the fallen soldiers, and the publication Broadcast and Cable said the company "simply replaced Nightline's worthy tribute with its own political agenda." In an open letter to David Smith, Sen. John McCain called the decision "a gross disservice to the public, and to the men and women of the United States Armed Forces. It is, in short, sir, unpatriotic. I hope it meets with the public opprobrium it most certainly deserves."
When Sinclair ordered its stations to replace their regular prime-time shows with Stolen Honor, the anti-Kerry documentary, it created an even bigger firestorm. Media-reform groups organized a boycott of Sinclair advertisers, and the company's stock tumbled seventeen percent, losing $105 million in days. Institutional investors threatened to sue the company for placing politics before profits. Faced with such unprecedented pressure, Sinclair backed down, airing a watered-down version of the film.
The controversy extended to Sinclair's own newsroom. Many News Central staffers were convinced that their journalistic credibility, already compromised by the company's partisan image, would be further diminished by the attack on Kerry. "I had interviews lined up that were canceling left and right, very similar to what happened during the Nightline debacle," says Leiberman, the D.C. bureau chief who was a rising star at Sinclair. "And it was becoming impossible -- I'm not exaggerating -- impossible for us to interview any moderate or any Democrat in Washington."
On Sunday, October 17th, Sinclair called a mandatory meeting for the entire News Central staff. According to several who attended, Leiberman stood up and voiced his opposition to Stolen Honor. "Each and every one of us is going to lose our credibility if we lend our voices and our writing and our faces to this product that clearly isn't news," he said. "It's propaganda. It's meant to sway the election -- we've been told that by people inside the company."
Sinclair's vice president of news, Joseph DeFeo, looked at Leiberman. "You may face consequences for not choosing to participate in this," Leiberman recalls him saying. Then DeFeo looked around the room. "Anyone else want to join him?" he asked. No one spoke up. But many Sinclair employees say privately that they agreed with Leiberman. "I was glad that someone finally had the guts to say something," says one. "Everyone who works there feels the same way and says it in private, but it doesn't leave the building."
"Jon did a great thing," another veteran says. "He stood up to the Hymanator." The next day, after Leiberman made his concerns public, Sinclair fired him. (Sinclair refuses to comment on the incident.)
Employees report a pervasive climate of fear at Sinclair. Staffers worry that management is listening to their telephone calls, and a recent notice sent to all employees warns that the company is monitoring their e-mail and Internet use. "We know if you use e-mail to send jokes to your friends and co-workers," the memo states. "We know if you view porn.... We know if you order parts for the car you are trying to restore.... We know how many people searched for Janet Jackson after the Super Bowl (97 searches)." Employees laugh when told that Smith insists he runs Sinclair like a family. "They are blinded," a former producer says. "They think their employees are loyal, but really they're not in touch with what's happening in their own newsroom."
Citizens groups are challenging the company's bid to renew its licenses in North and South Carolina, saying Sinclair's lack of local news and one-sided programming fail to satisfy even the bare-minimum standards imposed by the FCC. "They're so used to being able to buy their way through Washington that Smith actually believes he can get away with it," says Silver of Free Press. "That's what's really scary."
But up on the fifth floor at Sinclair, Smith remains unconcerned about the backlash. Indeed, with the company deep in debt and struggling to boost revenues and ratings, all the scandal may be good for business. "Fox proved one thing: People like controversy," Smith says. "I'd do one of those Stolen Honor specials every month if we could. The lesson was very straightforward: That we can do this kind of content, pre-empt the networks and make more money."
Hyman agrees with his boss. The controversy "was worth $10 million in free advertising," he says. "People who'd never heard of us before suddenly knew who we were. We're on the map."